Anti-discrimination adoption bill introduced

Measure would penalize states with anti-gay laws

A federal lawmaker is touting an adoption anti-discrimination bill he recently introduced as a way to find more homes for children living in the welfare system.

U.S. Rep. Pete Stark (D-Calif.) on Oct. 15 introduced the Every Child Deserves a Family Act, which would restrict federal funds for states that discriminate in adoption or foster programs on the basis of marital status, sexual orientation or gender identity.

Stark said in an interview that he introduced the legislation, H.R. 3827, in part because thousands of children each year “age out” of the child welfare system without finding homes.

“We got 25,000 kids a year maturing out of the welfare system without permanent foster care or adoptive care, and the prospects of those children having a successful adult life are diminished greatly,” he said. “These are kids who end up in the criminal justice system, or end up homeless.”

States with explicit restrictions on adoption that the pending legislation would affect are Utah, Florida, Arkansas, Nebraska and Mississippi. Florida, for example, has a statute specifically prohibiting gays from adopting, and in Arkansas, voters last year approved Act 1, which prevents unmarried co-habitating couples, including same-sex partners, from adopting children.

The legislation, Stark said, also would restrict funds for states where restrictions are put in place by agencies, individual social workers or judges, or where restrictions are part of the common law of the state.

For states that don’t comply with the law, federal officials could withhold from the states funds provided to them for child welfare services. The bill also calls for a Government Accountability Office study within five years to examine how states are complying with the new rules.

The bill is modeled after the Multi-Ethnic Placement Act, a law Stark helped shepherd through Congress in 1994 that prohibits racial discrimination in foster care and adoption placements.

Stark said discrimination is “bad in any situation,” but is particularly heinous in adoption because it’s actually “discriminating against kids who need the support” and it denies adults the personal fulfillment of raising a child.

“I’m not going to talk about all the problems it brings because — having three young children under the age of 14 — I can tell you it ain’t all roses, but nevertheless, there is a benefit, I think, a great benefit to the adult,” he said.

Stark said in some circumstances, when children are orphaned, a state could deny giving them to a grandparent to be raised if the grandparent is gay. Such a case, Stark said, would carry discrimination “to its ridiculous extreme.”

Despite the purported benefits the legislation would bring, there are few voices in Congress supporting the bill. The legislation had no co-sponsors as of Monday.

Still, the legislation has the backing of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Drew Hammill, the speaker’s spokesperson, said Pelosi shares the view of child welfare groups that children “should have the security of two fully sanctioned and legally recognized parents, whether those parents are of the same or opposite sex.”

“Denying a child a loving home solely on the basis of a couple’s sexual orientation is wrong and ultimately harms the child,” Hammill said. “With that in mind, we are encouraged that Rep. Stark is taking up the issue and will be monitoring the legislation’s progress.”

The bill also enjoys support from LGBT organizations, including the Human Rights Campaign and the Family Equality Council.

Trevor Thomas, an HRC spokesperson, said his organization supports “all efforts to remove artificial barriers to finding permanent families for children and youth.”

“We know that lesbian and gay families can be a great resource for children and youth in foster care and should be fully welcomed and supported as foster [or] adoptive parents,” he said.

Thomas said if the bill gains traction in Congress, HRC would lobby in its support.

Jennifer Chrisler, executive director of the Family Equality Council, said her organization is still looking at the bill’s particulars, but is generally in favor of it because of the education opportunity it affords.

“Anything that is a vehicle to educate members of Congress and the American public about the issue of adoption in this country and the need of children waiting in foster care is one that we’re going to be paying attention to and helping make sure gets discussed in a positive way for the LGBT community,” she said.

Shin Inouye, a White House spokesperson, said the White House has not had a chance to review the bill, but noted the president “generally believes that gays and lesbians should have equal rights in regards to adoption and foster care.”

Stark said the chances of the legislation passing this Congress are “pretty good” and said a hearing could take place this year in a House Ways & Means subcommittee, although nothing has been scheduled.

The committee did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether a hearing would occur.

He said he’d like to find a Republican co-sponsor for the legislation, then work on getting Senate companion legislation introduced.

Stark said the chances of his proposal succeeding would be better if he could “keep it separate from the marriage and the military issue” and emphasize how the bill would benefit children.

“I’d like to counter early on the arguments that will come up — sexual orientation will train the children to assume a gay lifestyle, and you know the claptrap that I’ll get,” he said. “But I think if we can have the hearings in a rather calm approach, we could put those issues to rest.”

Stark is encouraging people who support the bill to reach out to their lawmakers and to encourage friends who live in conservative states to do the same.

“If your readership is interested, wants to help, they can contact someone in a ‘red’ state and ask them to contact members of Congress or their senators, pointing out that this will help the children, reduce homelessness, reduce crimes,” he said.

Fed court dismisses lesbian hospital lawsuit


(Miami, Fl.)  The United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida today rejected Lambda Legal’s lawsuit filed against Jackson Memorial Hospital on behalf of Janice Langbehn, the Estate of Lisa Pond and their three adopted children who were kept apart by hospital staff for eight hours as Lisa slipped into a coma and died.

“The court’s decision paints a tragically stark picture of how vulnerable same-sex couples and their families really are during times of crisis,” said Beth Littrell, Staff Attorney in Lambda Legal’s Southern Regional Office based in Atlanta. “We hope that because of Janice’s courage to seek justice for her family in this case that more people better understand the costs of antigay discrimination. This should never happen to anyone.”While on a family cruise leaving from Miami, Lisa Pond, a healthy 39 year-old, suddenly collapsed. She was rushed to Miami’s Jackson Memorial Hospital with her partner Janice and three children following close behind. There, the hospital refused to accept information from Janice about her partner’s medical history. Janice was informed that she was in an antigay city and state, and she could expect to receive no information or acknowledgment as Lisa’s partner or family.

A doctor finally spoke with Janice telling her that there was no chance of recovery. Other than one five minute visit that was arranged by a Catholic priest at Janice’s request to perform last rites, and despite the doctor’s acknowledgement that no medical reason existed to prevent visitation, neither Janice – who provided the hospital with a medical Power of Attorney document — nor their children were allowed to see Lisa until nearly eight hours after their arrival.

Soon after Lisa’s death, Janice tried to get her death certificate in order to get life insurance and Social Security benefits for their children. She was denied both by the State of Florida and the Dade County Medical Examiner.

Today’s ruling comes after the Public Health Trust of the Miami Dade County, the governing body of Jackson Memorial Hospital, filed a motion to dismiss the case. The court ruled that the hospital has neither an obligation to allow their patients’ visitors nor any obligation whatsoever to provide their patients’ families, healthcare surrogates, or visitors with access to patients in their trauma unit. The court has given the Langbehn-Pond family until Oct. 16 to review the ruling and consider all legal options.

Beth Littrell, Staff Attorney in Lambda Legal’s Southern Regional Office in Atlanta is lead counsel on the case for Lambda Legal. She is joined by co-counsel Donald J. Hayden of Baker & McKenzie, LLP.

News from Lavender Law — the latest adoption/foster parenting bans

by Nancy Pollikoff – September 11th, 2009

It’s not called Lavender Law anymore, but I can’t help myself. (Sixth Ave will never be Avenue of the Americas to me…). Its official name is the National LGBT Bar Association Career Fair & Conference, but by any name this is the annual gathering of LGBT lawyers, law students, and law profs (and some straight advocates who work on our issues). This year’s conference is taking place in Brooklyn.

Today I attended a session on “The New Adoption and Foster Care Battle: Cohabitation Bans.” Law professor Carlos Ball started off with the history of bans on adoption or foster parenting by lesbians, gay men, or same-sex couples. The first such ban in 1977 (Florida…hopefully on its way out) predated by more than 20 years the first ban on adoption or foster parenting by anyone living with an unmarried partner — gay or straight (Utah…not on its way out).

Kara Suffredini of Family Equality Council then described recent efforts – largely unsuccessful – to legislate such cohabitation bans. In Tennessee in 2008, for example, the state budget office reported that instituting such a ban would cost the state millions of dollars, given the additional children who would remain in state care. That stopped the bill dead in its tracks. Naomi Goldberg of the Williams Institute followed with the economic analysis she and Lee Badgett performed for Kentucky. Based on the census data on the number of same-sex and unmarried different-sex couples with adopted or foster children in the state, and the current number of children in the foster care system (7027), Williams Institute predicted 630 children would not get foster home placements — thereby requiring more expensive and less desirable institutional placements, and 85 children would not be adopted and would therefore remain in state care. The projected cost: $5.3 million. That bill never got out of committee. (The Williams Institute also reports that if Florida drops its ban on gay adoptions, the state will save $3.4 million in its first year). Of course no one can quantify the human cost to the children who remain in group care or never get permanent families.

Finally, Leslie Cooper, ACLU’s litigator extraordinaire, discussed the litigation challenging the initiative enacted in Arkansas last year that also bans anyone living with a gay or straight unmarried partner from adopting or fostering. (And a gay married couple doesn’t count because Arkansas does not recognize them as married.) The state is defending the ban by pointing to the poorer outcomes for children raised by cohabiting different sex couples as compared with married different sex couples. It’s a regurgitation of the right-wing marriage movement’s basic argument that all our social problems result from the decline of life-long heterosexual marriage. The ACLU knows the drill and is well-equipped to respond. The case is currently in the discovery stage.

It’s a matter of some fascination to me that the right wing has decided that it is easier to defend a foster care/adoption ban on cohabiting couples, gay and straight, than a ban limited to gay men and lesbians. Although Florida is defending its gay ban with every discredited argument in the book (for the details, and the meticulous responses by the ACLU, check out this website), the right is capitalizing on the same ideology that gets us federally funded “marriage promotion” when it argues that unmarried couples should not foster or adopt. The panelists agreed that the real target of these bans is…gay men and lesbians; that although proponents no doubt believe that unmarried straight couples should be discouraged from raising children, the ban is primarily a means to the end of banning gay adoption without having to defend such a ban directly.

Lawmakers in Uruguay Vote to Allow Gay Couples to Adopt

September 10, 2009, New York Times

MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay (Reuters) — Lawmakers voted Wednesday to extend adoption rights to gay couples in Uruguay, the latest measure to relax laws on homosexuality that has drawn criticism from church leaders in the country, which is predominantly Roman Catholic.

Members of Congress said the law made Uruguay the first Latin American country to permit gay couples to adopt. The measure, which will now go to President Tabaré Vázquez for his signature, will also for the first time allow unmarried couples to adopt.

“This law is a significant step toward recognizing the rights of homosexual couples,” Diego Sempol, a member of the gay rights group, Black Sheep, told Reuters Television earlier this week.

Gay people are allowed to adopt under Uruguayan law, but only as individuals rather than jointly as a couple. Gay marriage remains illegal.

The Parliament in Uruguay, a small South American nation with a secular state structure, passed a law in late 2007 to permit gay couples to have civil unions, which grant similar rights as marriage.

Earlier this year the center-left government also lifted a ban on gay people serving in the armed forces.

Church leaders criticized the new adoption law, and the center-right National Party voted against it.

“The family is the bedrock of society and this measure weakens it,” said Senator Francisco Gallinal of the National Party. “For us, allowing children to be adopted by same-sex couples is conditioning the child’s free will.”

Latin America is home to about half of the world’s Roman Catholics, and government policies in most countries on gay rights and other divisive issues like abortion tend to reflect the church’s conservative stance.

Texas Appeals Court Issues Adverse Ruling on Co-Parent’s Suit Seeking Conservatorship or Adoption

Arthur Leonard Lesbian/Gay Lawnotes – 9.09

The Court of Appeals of Texas in Dallas issued a
ruling Aug. 11 affirming a decision by a trial
court in Dallas County rejecting an attempt by a
lesbian co-parent to be appointed conservator
or to adopt the child born to her former partner
through donor insemination. In the Interest of
M.K.S.-V., A Child, 2009 WL 2437076. The
court rejected the plaintiff’s claim that her extensive
visitation with the child sufficed to create
standing for her to seek to be appointed a
conservator, and found that the birth mother’s
adamant refusal to consent was a bar to adoption.
The parties met in the fall of 1997, began living
together in 1998, and decided to have a
child together. T.S. was inseminated in 2003,
and gave birth to M.K.S. in May 2004. T.S. and
K.V. “co-parented” until their relationship
broke up in August 2005, when T.S. moved out
with M.K.S. However, conceding the importance
ot “continuity” for M.K.S., T.S. agreed to
a liberal visitation schedule for K.V., who continued
to play an active role with the child.
However, T.S. was upset when K.V. accessed
the child’s school records without consulting
T.S., and cut off her visitation, transfering the
child to a different school without consulting
K.V. K.V. then filed suit, seeking to be appointed
conservator or to adopt the child in a
second-parent adoption proceeding.
T.S. challenged K.V.’s standing to be appointed
a conservator, and refused to consent to
the adoption. K.V. was relying on statutory provisions
that allowed an unrelated adult who had
a substantial parental relationship to seek appointment
as a conservator, but the court found
that the arrangement she had with T.S. did not
qualify under Texas precedents to confer that
status in this case. Furthermore, the court found
that T.S.’s refusal to consent was an absolute
bar to adoption by K.V. K.V. also made estoppel
arguments, contending that she had an agreement
with T.S. concerning continued contact
with the child, but the court was unwilling to
enforce the agreement, either through a breach
of contract or estoppel theory.
K.V. is represented by Michelle May O’Neil,
and T.S. by Paul Brumley. A.S.L.
Tax Court Rejects Joint Filing Status for Same-Sex
Couple
The United States Tax Court ruled on July 13
that millionaire gay activist Charles Merrill
could not benefit from joint tax filing status for
the tax years 2004 and 2005 because he was
not married to his long-term same-sex partner,
Kevin Boyle, during those tax years. Merrill v.
Commissioner of Internal Revenue, T.C. Memo.
2009–166, 2009 WL 2015106.
According to the opinion for the court by
Judge Diane L. Kroupa, Merrill had previously
been married to Johnson & Johnson heiress
Evangeline Johnson Merrill, then began a relationship
with Boyle after Evangeline’s death.
Merrill and Boyle have been partners for more
than 18 years, and married in California in
2008.
Merrill never filed tax returns for 2004 and
2005. When the IRS contacted him about the
missing returns, he responded that he had not
filed as a protest because he should be able to
file jointly with his partner but it was not allowed
by the IRS. The tax agency prepared
forms based on whatever information it had
about Merrill’s finances and assessed him deficiencies
for the years in question. Merrill took
the issue to the Tax Court, claiming that in light
of his long-term relationship with Boyle, the denial
of joint filing status discriminates against
same-sex couples in violation of the constitution.
The Tax Court generally does not pass on
constitutional questions. In this case, Judge
Kroupa pointed out, the Code provides that in
order to benefit from joint filing status, one
must at least file a return claiming such status,
which Merrill had never done, thus his appeal
must be dismissed. “We need not address his
constitutional claims,” she wrote, but then
dropped a footnote citing half a dozen prior rulings
rejecting constitutional claims brought to
challenge the filing status provisions. Of
course, a perfectly plausible argument could be
made that it is inequitable to treat long-term
same-sex couples differently from married couples
under tax law, but turning that into a legal
claim is tricky since the two don’t have the same
legal status. However, now that Merrill and
Boyle are married, one suspects that they could
raise a constitutional claim against any refusal
to accept a joint return for their 2008 taxes,
should they attempt to file one. A.S.L.

Oregon Appellate Court Adopts Progressive Interpretation of Donor Insemination Statute in Custody Dispute Between Lesbian Former Partners

Arthur Leonard Lesbian/Gay LawNotes 9.09

A lesbian who had separated from her partner
challenged the constitutionality of two Oregon
statutes: one that creates a presumption that a
husband is the father of a child born to his wife,
so long as the spouses are not separated; and
another that gives a husband parental rights
over a child born as a result of his wife’s artificial
insemination, so long at the husband consented
to the insemination. An Oregon appellate
court deemed the former statute
constitutional and inapplicable to lesbian couples,
but held the latter statute unconstitutional
unless it extends to give parental rights to a
same-sex domestic partner of an artificially inseminated
woman. Thus, the statute was upheld,
but judicially amended to apply under
circumstances such as those presented here.
Shineovich and Kemp, 230 Or. App. 670, 2009
WL 2032113 (Or. App. July 15, 2009).
The appeal by the woman cut off from her
partner’s children was argued by Mark Johnson
of Johnson and Lechman-Su of Portland, Oregon,
with amicus briefs from the American Civil
Liberties Union, ACLU Foundation of Oregon,
Inc., and Basic Rights Oregon. Murphy
McGrew of Lake Oswego, Oregon, represented
the birth mother.
Sondra Lee Shineovich and Sarah Elizabeth
Kemp had a 10–year relationship during which
Kemp was artificially inseminated and bore two
children. Shineovich alleges that she consented
to the insemination. Around the time of
the birth of their first child, the couple was married
in Multnomah County, but the marriage
was later declared void when the courts determined
that the county did not have authority to
issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.
After the couple’s separation, Shineovich
sued for a declaration of parental rights. The
lower court dismissed her suit for failure to state
a claim, and only cursorily discussed the constitutionality
of the statutes. Shineovich appealed,
contending that laws that extend parental
rights to husbands must be read to extend
such rights to same-sex partners of women who
give birth during their partnership.
One statute challenged by Shineovich, Or.
Rev. Stat. Section 109.070(1), created a presumption
that a husband was the parent of his
wife’s child, but only if he was not impotent or
sterile at the time of the conception. (The provision
regarding impotency or sterility was removed
from the statute in 2007, after the events
precipitating this action.) The court held that
because this statute relates only to biological
paternity, and specifically applies only to people
capable of fertilizing a woman’s egg, it could
not, even if it were phrased in gender-neutral
terminology, grant parental rights to a woman; it
is not possible for a woman to fertilize the egg of
another woman. Thus, the lesbian partner of a
birth mother is in the same position, under this
statute, as an impotent or sterile man. Since the
presumption equally excludes any man or
woman incapable of fertilizing an egg, the statute
is not unconstitutionally discriminatory, according
to the court.
The second statute challenged by Shineovich
is quite different. Under Or. Rev. Stat.
Section 109.243, the relationship, rights and
obligation between a child born as a result of artificial
insemination and the mother’s husband
is viewed as the same as if the child had been
naturally and legitimately conceived by the
mother and the mother’s husband, so long as
the husband consented to the performance of
artificial insemination. Thus, the statute gives a
status to “husbands” that is not available to
other similarly situated persons. Under Oregon
law, therefore, a woman partnered with another
woman cannot be a “husband,” or any other
type of spouse, thus, the statute privileges men
and discriminates against women. Further, homosexuals
are a suspect class under Oregon jurisprudence,
and laws that disfavor a suspect
class are only justifiable if there is a genuine
difference between that class and other persons
granted some sort of privilege or immunity.
Thus, the court found the latter statute to contravene
the equal protection clause of Oregon’s
constitution.
The appeals court also considered the section
of the Oregon Constitution that prohibits
legal recognition of same-sex marriage . Unlike
such provisions in other states’ constitutions,
Oregon’s constitution does not prevent
marital-type benefits from being extended to
same-sex partners. (The court compared the
provisions in Georgia, Ohio, and Utah.) Definitions
of marriage from both legal and non-legal
sources do not indicate that “marriage,” in and
of itself, encompasses any particular benefits.
Thus, it is not unconstitutional under the marriage
amendment to extend statutory privileges
to same-sex partners on the basis of unequal
treatment of women or homosexuals. Such an
extension does not impinge on prerogatives integral
to the concept of “marriage.”
Under the rules of statutory interpretation
recognized in Oregon, if a statute is defective
because of under-inclusion, there exist two remedial
alternatives: a court may either (1) declare
the statute a nullity and order that its
benefits not extend to the class that the legislature
intended to benefit, or (2) extend the coverage
of the statute to include those who are aggrieved
by exclusion. In order to decide which
path to choose, the court sought to determine
which course would further the legislative objective.
The objective of the statute was, according
to the court, to protect children conceived
by artificial insemination from being
denied the right to support by the mother’s husband
or to inherit from the husband. Invalidating
the statute would undermine that purpose,
and might nullify the legal parent-child relationship
of any such child and the mother’s
husband.
“On the other hand,” said the court, “extending
the statute’s coverage to include the children
of mothers in same-sex relationships advances
the legislative objective by providing
the same protection for a greater number of
children.” Thus, “the appropriate remedy is to
extend the statute so that it applies when the
same-sex partner of the biological mother consented
to the artificial insemination.”
Under the first statute, the appellate court ordered
the trial court to enter a judgment declaring
that Shineovich is not the legal parent of
Kemp’s children, because she is not biologically
capable of being the genetic parent of
Kemp’s children.
Under the second statute, however, the trial
court, on remand, must treat Shineovich the
same as it would treat a mother’s husband.
Note, however, that the latter statute includes
an element of consent. Thus,Kemp alleged that
Shineovich could not prove that she “con-
Lesbian/Gay Law Notes September 2009 157
sented” to the artificial insemination because
no writing evidenced such consent. The court
held that writing is not essential to show consent,
and the lack of a writing does not foreclose
a claim. On the other hand, on remand, Shineovich
must prove that she in fact consented to
the insemination. Whether she consented is a
factual issue appropriate for determination by
the trier of fact. (Note: The appeals court also rejected
an attempt to dismiss this suit on jurisdictional
grounds, namely, that the petitioner must
name the state as a party whenever a state statute’s
constitutionality is challenged in an action
for declaratory relief.) Alan J. Jacob

North Carolina upholds second-parent adoption!

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

Nancy Pollikof, Beyond (Striaght and Gay) Marriage

The South is the region with the worst laws in the country for gay and lesbian parents. Well today add North Carolina to the list of states that approve second-parent adoption.

Today’s decision from the North Carolina Court of Appeals came in the case of Boseman v. Jarrell. Pretty straightforward facts: Julia Boseman and Melissa Jarrell had been together four years when, in 2002, Melissa gave birth to a child, conceived through donor insemination and planned for by both of them. The child called Melissa “Mommy” and Julia “Mom.” The couple filed for a second-parent adoption, which was granted in 2005. As is common given state adoption statutes, the couple asked the court to waive the statutory provision that an adoption terminates the biological mother’s parental rights. The court ruled that it had the power to do that, and the adoption decree specifically reads that it does not terminate Melissa’s parental rights.

So far so good.

But the next year the couple split up, Melissa limited Julia’s time with the child, and, in 2007, Julia filed an action for joint custody. Melissa then tried to get the court (in a different county from the court that granted the adoption) to rule that the adoption decree was void. The opinion released today holds that the adoption decree was not void. If it was an error to grant an adoption without severing Melissa’s parental rights, that had to be raised on an appeal from the adoption decree; it could not be raised in a subsequent proceeding.

There’s lots of good language in the opinion about why the adoption was a good thing, but the court’s failure to rule definitively that a court can waive the provision terminating a biological parent’s rights does leave the door open for some trial court judge in the state to rule that the law does not permit such waiver. What is clear, however, is that if a trial judge DOES grant a second-parent adoption, that adoption is valid and cannot later be challenged by anyone.

The court also makes clear that it would have ruled the same way had the parties been an unmarried different-sex couple. “While [the adoption code] does not specifically address same-sex adoptions,” the court wrote, “these statutes do make clear that a wide range of adoptions are contemplated and permitted, so long as they protect the minor’s ‘needs, interests, and rights.'”

The North Carolina Association of Women Attorneys, the National Association of Social Workers, the North Carolina Chapter of the National Association of Social Workers, and the North Carolina Foster and Adoptive Parents Association filed a friend of the court brief in support of upholding the adoption.

Uruguay becoming first Latin American country to legalize gay adoption

August 28, 12:04 PMSouth America Policy ExaminerSylvia Longmire

In yet another bold move by Uruguay’s socialist government, lawmakers voted yesterday to allow adoptions by gay and lesbian couples. The measure, which was approved 40-13, still needs to pass through the senate, a move considered a formality since it was already approved there on a first reading.

The senate was due to vote on the measure before September 15, the end of a legislative period that was brought forward ahead of presidential elections in October.

This is the third such legal action taken by the Uruguayan government in the last two years to extend more rights to homosexuals. In December 2007, the Congress legalized civil unions for gay and lesbian couples. In May of this year, Tabare Vazquez, the first leftist president in Uruguayan history, opened access for homosexuals to military schools.

As expected, the Roman Catholic Church is less than excited about these legal actions.

According to Agence France Presse, The archbishop of Montevideo, Nicolas Cotugno, said before the vote that it would be a “serious error to accept the adoption of children by homosexual couples. It’s not about religion, philosophy or sociology. It’s something which is mainly about the respect of human nature itself.”

Uruguay is usually a country whose actions manage to stay out of the headlines, probably because Vazquez isn’t nearly as vocal as his leftist contemporaries in Latin America. One might think that other socialist leaders might share this liberal attitude towards gay rights, but it’s not clear how presidents like Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez, Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, and Bolivia’s Evo Morales feel about gay rights.

The biggest cultural issue standing in the way of any progression in the gay rights movement in Latin America is machismo, and an inherent aversion to homosexuality in the Hispanic culture. However, The Economist reports that homosexuality is accepted more widely than it used to be:

“Latin Americans are surprisingly tolerant of homosexuality—within limits. Though they may face taunts and violence, men in particular can sometimes lead openly, even flamboyantly, gay lives as long as they conform to certain stereotypes (such as working as hairdressers). Those who prefer to be discreet usually benefit from Catholic society’s widespread ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ tolerance of private foibles. It is when they start challenging norms and agitating for legal rights that the trouble typically starts.”

Civil unions have been legalized in some states in Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil, but probably no one can say that it’s a widespread movement with broad acceptance. Machismo still dominates in Latin America, which will make any progress in gay rights slower than in other regions.

Movement toward adoption by gay couples in Louisiana has momentum but little enthusiasm

There’s a movement in Louisiana that may help gay couples adopt children. The Louisiana Commission on Marriage and Family has been approached about adoption equality for gay couples.

The AP reports:

The idea, made in a presentation Thursday by the Forum for Equality Louisiana, was greeted with little enthusiasm from commission members in a state that has a constitutional ban on gay marriage.

Louisiana currently allows married couples or a single person to adopt a child. If a single person adopts a child and is in a relationship – whether heterosexual or homosexual – the partner in that relationship has no legal parental rights to the child.

Kenny Tucker, chairman of Forum for Equality Louisiana, says the group would like to see unmarried couples able to adopt children. Rep. Frank Hoffmann, a member of the marriage and family commission, says he doubts that idea would gain traction with state lawmakers.

Maine court upholds IBM heir’s adoption of lover

(Portland, Maine) Maine’s highest court has given a legal victory to a woman who stands to stake a claim to a share of one of America’s premier business fortunes thanks to her adoption by her lesbian partner.

The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Thursday overturned a 2008 lower court decision that annulled the adoption.

At issue was whether it was legal for a judge to allow Olive Watson to adopt Patricia Spado in 1991 in Knox County, where the longtime partners spent several weeks each summer on North Haven. Watson was the daughter of the late Thomas Watson Jr., who built IBM into a computer giant.

The relationship ended a year after the adoption. Thomas Watson’s heirs challenged the adoption in court in 2005.

Lawyers say the case now moves to a Connecticut probate court to determine if Spado is entitled to any of the family trust.