The Most Detailed Map of Same-sex Married Couples in America

More than three years after a Supreme Court decision gave federal recognition to same-sex marriages performed in states that allowed them, the demographics of same-sex married couples largely remain a mystery.

In fact, no one has a definitive count of same-sex married couples in the United States.

One reason it’s hard to get a fix on the marriages is that detailed marriage records are not tracked at the federal level. They’re managed by counties and states, which report the count of marriages and not much else. The Census Bureau isn’t always a lot of help either. Methodological problems like sample size and false positives have long plagued census estimates of this relatively small group.

But a new research paper published by the Treasury Department on Monday has found an interesting way around these problems: tax records.marriage equality

By linking the tax returns of same-sex couples who filed jointly in 2014 with their Social Security records, researchers are able to give us the most accurate picture of same-sex marriages to date. And their estimate is this: In 2014 there were 183,280. same-sex marriages in America, roughly a third of 1 percent of all marriages.

Of course, implicit in this estimate is the assumption that all married couples file their returns jointly. But as a proxy for that, it’s pretty good. The Treasury Department estimates that 97.5 percent of married couples file joint returns.

One highlight of the study: Pretax household income of same-sex married couples is higher than that of heterosexual married couples. Most of that is driven by the average earnings of male same-sex couples: $176,000. On average, they make $52,000 more than married lesbian couples and $63,000 more than married straight couples.

Lee Badgett, an economics professor at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst, said one reason is the gender pay gap. The math here is simple — for heterosexual couples, the gender pay gap affects one partner. For same-sex female couples, the gender pay gap affects both partners.

But that doesn’t explain why same-sex female married couples earn more than heterosexual married couples, over all. The other key component is geography. The tax data shows same-sex married couples clustering along the coasts, and in urban pockets across the United States. These are regions that also tend to have higher wages. In fact, heterosexual couples actually earn more than same-sex female ones when you compare married couples who live in the same three-digit ZIP code region.

Child care plays a huge role as well. Same-sex female couples are four times more likely to have children than same-sex male couples. That means that many women will have to make tough trade-offs between career and family. Combine that with the likelihood of lower pay to begin with and you start to understand why the income differences are so large.

New York Times, September 12, 2016 by Quoctrung Bui

Click here to read the entire article.

Landmark China Same Sex Marriage Case Rejected

China Same Sex Marriage Case Rejected Dealing Gay Rights Movement A Major Blow

BEIJING (Reuters) – A court in China on Wednesday rejected a landmark China same sex marriage case by two men who had sought permission to get legally married, one of the plaintiffs said, a decision that shines the light on gay rights in the world’s most populous nation.

While homosexuality is not illegal in China, and large cities have thriving gay scenes, same-sex marriage is not legal, and same-sex couples have no legal protections.international surrogacy

In what activists hailed as a step forward for gay rights, Sun Wenlin, 26, had lodged the suit with a court in the southern Chinese city of Changsha against a civil affairs bureau that denied him the right to marry.

But after a short hearing, the court turned down his request to marry, Sun said.

“Of course I’m not very pleased about it but I’m not going to give up,” he told Reuters by telephone. “I plan to appeal.”

Sun said he had filed the lawsuit in December because he wanted to form a family unit with his 36-year-old partner.

Sun previously told Reuters he had tried to register to marry his boyfriend at the Furong district civil affairs bureau in June but was rejected by an official who told him “marriage had to be between a man and woman.”

April 13, 2016 – Huffingtonpost.com, via Reuters

Click to read the entire article.

Lesbian Couple to Keep Foster Child Utah Judge Shifts Ruling

Utah Judge Reverses Ruling in Favor of Lesbian Couple

A Utah judge on Friday reversed his order to take a foster child away from a lesbian couple because of their sexual orientation, state officials said. The judge, Scott N. Johansen of Juvenile Court, had issued an order on Tuesday saying that the child, a 9-month-old girl, had to be removed from the home of a lesbian couple by the end of the day next Tuesday, and placed with a heterosexual couple.

The foster parents, Rebecca A. Peirce, 34, and April M. Hoagland, 38, and the state Division of Child and Family Services, both filed motions Thursday asking the judge to reconsider, and said they were prepared to appeal his decision. The couple, who are married, lives in Price, southwest of Salt Lake City.A Utah judge on Friday reversed his order to take a foster child away from a lesbian couple because of their sexual orientation

The clash is the first of its kind, said Ashley Sumner, a spokeswoman for the state agency, because Utah only recently began approving foster child placements with same-sex couples, after the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling on gay marriage in June.

Under fire from critics including gay rights activists and the state’s Republican governor, a judge in Utah on Friday reversed, at least temporarily, his order that a foster child be taken away from a lesbian couple because it was “not in the best interest of children to be raised by same-sex couples.”

While the child may remain with the couple for the moment, Judge Scott N. Johansen signaled that the matter might not be settled. He continued to question the placement of children with same-sex parents, a matter that will be taken up at a Dec. 4 hearing on what is in the best interests of this child, a 9-month-old girl.

The judge’s actions, coming after the Supreme Court this year established a right to same-sex marriage, put him at the center of another front in the nation’s legal and culture wars: the question of whether gay men and women can get, and keep, custody of children under various circumstances.

Mormons in Same Sex Marriages & Children Banned

Same Sex Marriages & Children Banned

Children of same sex marriages will not be able to join the Mormon Church until they turn 18 — and only if they move out of their parents’ homes, disavow all same-sex relationships and receive approval from the church’s top leadership as part of a new policy adopted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

In addition, Mormons in Mormons in same sex marriages will be considered apostates and subject to excommunication, a more rigid approach than the church has taken in the past.

The new policies were contained in a handbook for lay leaders that was disseminated on Thursday to those who administer the church’s 30,000 congregations around the world. The church made no public announcement of the change, but it was leaked to the news media and confirmed by a church spokesman.

Mormons in same sex marriages will be considered apostates and subject to excommunication

“The church has long been on record as opposing same-sex marriages,” the spokesman, Eric Hawkins, said in a statement. “While it respects the law of the land, and acknowledges the right of others to think and act differently, it does not perform or accept same-sex marriage within its membership.”

Before the handbook change, bishops and congregational leaders had more discretion in whether or how far to discipline Mormons in same-sex marriages. Now same-sex marriage has been added to a list of conditions considered apostasy, which means Mormons in same-sex marriages will be subject to disciplinary hearings that result in excommunication.

Some liberal Mormons expressed outrage online at the new policies. Jana Riess, a columnist with Religion News Service, said she was livid that children born to those living out of wedlock, as well as rapists and murderers, can be baptized and blessed, but not children of monogamous same-sex couples.

“It’s heartbreaking for me to see my church drawing this line in the sand, which leaves faithful L.G.B.T. members with an impossible choice: They can either be excluded from lifelong love and companionship, or excluded from the blessings of the church,” she said.

The church has actively lobbied against laws legalizing same-sex unions, but has also in recent years supported laws intended to protect gay people from discrimination. In March of this year, leaders at the church’s headquarters in Salt Lake City helped to pass a bill known as the “Utah compromise,” which bans discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people in housing and employment but protects religious institutions that do not condone gay relationships.

Click here to read the entire article.

 

New York Times, by Laurie Goldstein, November 6, 2015

Should A Same Sex Couple Get Fertility Benefits?

Are A Same Sex Couple Entitled to Fertility Benefits?

Same sex couple Sarah Soller-Mihlek, a Brooklyn guitar instructor, and Jill Soller-Mihlek say, “We want to start a family,” speaking into a camera focused on Sarah and “We’ve always dreamed of becoming parents,” adds her wife, Jill.

The couple made the video last year and posted it to Indiegogo, a crowdfunding website, in hopes of raising enough money to pay for fertility treatments. Jill Soller-Mihlek, now 33, was hoping to get pregnant via a sperm donor and intrauterine insemination, which can costs tens of thousands of dollars depending on how long it takes to conceive.

Although the couple’s insurance plan typically covers fertility treatment, their insurer, United Healthcare, would not cover the cost. The reason? Jill Soller-Mihlek didn’t meet its definition of infertility because she did not have sex with men.

The couple’s insurance policy defines infertility as an “inability to achieve pregnancy after 12 months of unprotected heterosexual intercourse.” But women who use sperm donors must pay for costly, physician-supervised therapeutic donor insemination for 12 months before they meet the definition of infertility. (Women 35 and older need to go through six failed attempts before meeting the clinical definition of infertility.)

After the Soller-Mihleks paid $13,507 out of pocket for nine unsuccessful cycles of insemination, they decided to chronicle their travails on Indiegogo and Change.org. While the United Healthcare policy tacitly acknowledges single women and same-sex couples, many policies do not. Some even exclude unwed women. Notably, major insurers like United Healthcare often do cover insemination treatments when the issue is male infertility.

The Soller-Mihleks believe their plan’s criteria for granting medical coverage of fertility treatment reveals a subtle form of discrimination against lesbians. (Needless to say, gay men face even greater obstacles in attempting to gain coverage, given that coverage wouldn’t extend to the woman who’d be carrying for them.)

The Soller-Mihleks say their concern is that a female same sex couple, by definition, is incapable of getting pregnant through heterosexual intercourse and requires medical intervention to conceive. They say the subtext of the United Healthcare policy is that a lesbian could get pregnant by having sex with a man, she just chooses not to.

Shannon Price Minter, head of the legal division at the National Center for Lesbian Rights in San Francisco, said: “To me, the central injustice is that when a person has a known condition that precludes them from becoming pregnant, such as a woman who has had her ovaries removed, there is no requirement to go through a period of unprotected intercourse before being recognized as requiring fertility treatments. The same should be true for same-sex couples.”

Tyler Mason, a spokesman for UnitedHealthcare, said the company’s policy is based on the clinical disease of infertility, as defined by the American Society of Reproductive Medicine.

“Our coverage criteria are based on clinical trial data, published literature and recommendations from a wide variety of medical specialty societies and state laws,” Mr. Mason wrote in a statement. “We constantly review and update coverage criteria.”

Aetna also uses the clinical definition of infertility to support its reimbursement policies for fertility treatments.

“It’s not a pregnancy benefit,” said Cynthia B. Michener, an Aetna spokeswoman. “It’s based on the clinical disease of infertility, supported by medical evidence and medical society guidelines, including those set out by the A.S.R.M., and it’s the same for everyone.”

Click here to read the entire article.

 

New York Times, November 2, 2015, by Stephanie Fairyington

Civil Union Vermont; No Equitable Distribution NY

New York Trial Court Holds New York Property Acquired During a Vermont Civil Union is Not Subject to Equitable Distribution in New York Dissolution Proceeding

In a rather complicated opinion, New York Supreme Court Justice Richard A. Dollinger ruled on October 23 that New York property acquired by Deborah O’Reilly-Morshead during her Vermont Civil Union with Christine O’Reilly-Morshead is not subject to equitable distribution under New York law in the current divorce proceeding between the women, who married in Canada after the property was acquired. O’Reilly-Morshead v. O’Reilly-Morshead, 2015 N.Y. Misc. LEXIS 3843, 2015 NY Slip Op 25354 (Supreme Ct., Monroe County).

Deborah and Christine began their relationship in 2001 while living in Indiana, where they had a “union ceremony” with no legal significance. They moved to New York in 2002, Deborah selling a house she owned in Indiana. They went to Vermont in 2003 and contracted a civil union, while continuing to reside in New York. In 2004 Deborah used the proceeds from the sale of her Indiana house and her other resources to buy a house in Rochester, New York, which was recorded in her name only. In 2006, the women ventured up to Canada to marry, continuing to maintain their residence in Rochester. Five years later, Deborah filed a divorce action in Monroe County Supreme Court, seeking equitable distribution of “marital property.” She excluded from that category the house, which she had purchased with her own assets prior to the marriage. Christine counter sued for divorce and dissolution of the Vermont Civil Union (calling on the equitable powers of the court for the latter), and contended that the house, purchased %after% the parties contracted their civil union, should be considered property of the civil union subject to distribution under Vermont law, and so should be included as part of the marital property subject to dissolution in the New York proceeding. As the parties could not resolve their dispute about the status of the house, it fell to the court to decide both whether it had the power to dissolve the civil union and also whether it had the authority or power to make an order regarding ownership rights to the house.

Relying on prior court decisions finding that New York Supreme Court justices can dissolve civil unions drawing upon their general equitable powers, Judge Dollinger had no trouble deciding that he could grant Christine’s request to dissolve the civil union, but dealing with the house was a more complicated matter.

The court’s authority to distribute property in a divorce proceeding is not based on general equitable principles, but rather on the equitable distribution provisions of New York’s Domestic Relations Law, a statute passed by the Legislature that provides that “marital property,” defined as property acquired during the marriage of the parties, is subject to distribution between the parties upon divorce. Clearly, this house was not acquired “during the marriage.” While it was clear to the court that if Christine brought an action to dissolve the civil union in Vermont, a Vermont court could treat the house as “property of the civil union” and thus subject to distribution between the civil union partners under Vermont law, it was not clear that a New York court would have that authority, and a review by Justice Dollinger of New York case law provided, in his view, little support for Christine’s argument.

He wrote, “This court considers ‘marital property’ as defined by the Legislature in the Domestic Relations Law as the linch pin on which New York’s entire system of marital property distribution rests. If the property is ‘marital,’ the court can equitably distribute it. If not, the court has no jurisdiction to change title or ownership to it. Because of the central importance of creating an exact context in which courts could order a transfer to title to property, the Legislature adopted a black line test for determining when ‘distributable property’ existed in a marriage. The date of marriage – and no other date – is the time when ‘marital property’ exists,” citing Dom. Rel. L. sec. 236(B)(1)(c). While the courts have adopted a broad definition of “property” for purposes of enforcing this statute, Dollinger wrote, they had not adopted a broad definition of “marital,” adhering strictly to the statutory definition. On top of this, of course, when adopting its Civil Union Act in 2000, the Vermont legislature included a provision expressly declaring that a civil union is not a marriage, and Dollinger saw no basis for arguing that a New York court should or could treat a Vermont civil union as a marriage.

He also rejected the notion that the court could apply the doctrine of “comity” in order to treat the property the way it would be treated under Vermont law, pointing out the difficulties that would ensue in dealing with property claims based on a civil unions and domestic partnerships from the various jurisdictions where those statuses were created during the period between 2000 and the Supreme Court’s marriage equality decision on June 26, 2015. This would require New York courts to inquire into the nature of legal relationships in other jurisdictions and how they treated property distributions upon dissolution.

While he noted that some other states had dealt with this problem through express statutory provisions when adopting their marriage equality laws – notably Vermont and New Hampshire – and that the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court had accorded marital-like status to Vermont civil unions for some purposes, he observed, “Neither the New York Legislature nor the Court of Appeals has yet moved New York’s law into the same orbit as our neighboring sister states. The Legislature, in the Marriage Equality Act, simply made same-sex marriage legal in New York. It did not mandate that same-sex couples, who were united in civil unions in other state, acquired property rights through that civil union that are equal to the property rights granted to married couples.” By contrast, Vermont’s marriage equality law says that civil unions from other states would be treated as equivalent to marriages in Vermont. If the New York legislature were to amend the NY Marriage Equality law to add similar language, this problem would disappear.

For those tracking the development of these issues in New York, Justice Dollinger’s opinion provides a useful summary of the court opinions that have had to grapple with how civil unions elsewhere should be treated by New York courts. Unfortunately, none of them provides direct guidance about how to decide this case. Most of them deal with disputes involving custody, visitation and child support.

The judge also considered an alternative theory of treating the Vermont civil union as equivalent to a contract under which the parties agreed that property acquired during their civil union would be deemed jointly-owned property. There is precedent under New York law for the enforcement of express pre-nuptial agreements, for example, that would control the distribution of property, and the Court of Appeals has extended that concept to express agreements by non-marital cohabiting couples about their property rights, but has refused to enforce “implied” agreements based on cohabitation. While acknowledging that Christine’s argument along these lines “has a power logic,” Dollinger concluded that it went beyond what he was authorized to do under current law. “In this court’s view,” he wrote, “the proof problems and other complications that drove the Court of Appeals to deny recognition of an implied agreement for asset distribution between an unmarried couple are not present, in the same degree, in a civil union.” The Court of Appeals was worried about the problem of “amorphous” agreements that would not provide the kind of “black line” test that the term “marital property” provides. Dollinger acknowledged that this problem might not pertain to civil unions, which had well-defined contours in statutes such as Vermont’s Civil Union Act. “However,” he wrote, “whether this court should, in interpreting the Court of Appeals use of the word ‘amorphous’ in these opinions, conclude that the common use of this word was a springboard to change the definition of ‘marital property’ to include property – acquired during a statutory well-defined union in another state, but not acquired during a marriage – is, in view of this court’s limited authority, unwise. This interpretative reed – based on the use of the same word by justices more than two decades apart – is too tender to carry such weight.”

Ultimately, Dollinger concluded that the failure of the New York legislature to pass any statute recognizing out-of-state civil unions for any purpose effectively tied his hands. “There is no general common law of equity that is equivalent to the statutory creation of an equitable distribution power in the Domestic Relations Law,” he wrote, pointing out that the Court of Appeals has frequently ruled that a “marriage – of whatever type or from whatever jurisdiction – is the only touchstone for equitable distribution of property in New York.”

“In reaching this conclusion, the court is struck by the anomaly this case represents: this court is dissolving a pre-existing civil union, but only allowing equitable property distribution based on the couple’s marriage. Any ‘civil union’ property – which would be subject to distribution if this matter were venued in Vermont – remains titled in the name of the current title holder and is not subject to distribution,” he wrote. “In short, this court provides one remedy to the couple – dissolving the civil union – but declines to provide any further remedies based on their civil union. This court has no solution for this conundrum without violating longstanding principles of New York marriage-based laws. Any further answer rests with the Legislature.”

Click here to read the entire article.

 

October 30, 2015 - by Art Leonard, artleonardobservations.com

Gay marriage signed into law in Ireland

Gay Marriage Voted in by 62.1% in Ireland

Dublin (AFP) – Gay marriage was signed into law in Ireland, five months after a historic referendum saw the traditionally Catholic nation become the world’s first country to vote for gay unions.

“The Presidential Commission today signed the ‘Marriage Bill 2015’ into law,” the president’s office said in a statement, paving the way for the first weddings within a month.

Ireland voted 62.1 percent in favour of allowing marriage between two people “without distinction as to their sex” in May, the first time anywhere that gay marriage has been legalised in a referendum.

The president’s endorsement was the final hurdle for the bill after legal challenges briefly delayed the legislation from coming into effect.

The first ceremonies should be possible by mid-November, according to Justice Minister Frances Fitzgerald.

Senator Katherine Zappone, who had long campaigned for her Canadian marriage to her wife to be recognised in Ireland, called it “a defining moment”.

“It is a deeply emotional moment for those of us who have campaigned for so long,” Zappone said in a statement.

“This victory truly belongs to the nation, it is a moment for us all.”

In a memorable moment that unfolded live on national television after the referendum result was announced, Zappone proposed to her wife Ann Louise Gilligan to re-marry her under Irish law.

International gay rights campaigners congratulated efforts by Irish activists to win public support for a “Yes” vote in the referendum.

“Tribute must also be paid to national politicians in Ireland, as all the main political parties put aside their partisan differences to campaign for the greater goal of equality,” Evelyne Paradis of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association said in a statement.

Marriages between same sex couples that took place outside of Ireland will now be recognised under Irish law.

Click here to read the entire article.

 

YahooNews.com, October 30, 2015